Broken promises of Kenya Independence- There was a country.

In their rags and robes, cultured and uncultured, poor and rich, they fervently marched in a common bond to the national capital, Nairobi, to usher in a new state. It was the birth of Kenya. Many had died in the deepest limbo, in the vast forests, in detentions, and many absurd places for the liberation of a people. “Uhuru na Kazi,” they said, a commitment to work in unison for the progressive realization of a dream. They had left the dark moments that had been envisaged and orchestrated from the Berlin Conference (1884-1885) and joined the ranks of independent states. Ngugi wa Thiong’o captures the mood of the populace in his revered book, “Grain of Wheat”: “Our people, is there a song sweeter than that of freedom? Of a truth, we have waited for it many a sleepless night. Those who have gone before us, those of us spared to see the sun today, and even those to be born tomorrow, must join in the feast.” To the intellectuals, one thing was profound and true: the nation was pregnant, and soon enough, it would give birth.

This 12th of December marks sixty years since that fateful night when the royal jack went down. Sixty years since we pledged to protect our independence and utilize all resources to make Kenya a modern nation. I bring you news, a report of what happened since. Tighten your belts (an aphorism that has gained traction with the new regime). Francis Imbuga once wrote that, “it was better when we waited for, as we had something to look forward to. We have killed our past and are busy killing our future”. Kwame Nkrumah, in his book “Neocolonialism,” identified neocolonialism as the biggest hurdle Africa must deal with. Today, one thing can define that once-jubilant nation: a nation of plunder, deceit, and betrayal.

Chinua Achebe once wrote about the state of Biafra in his book, “There Was a Country.” Allow me to use this title as I refer to the fact that there was a country once known as Kenya, long before it was auctioned to the Americans, Europeans, and Asians – a nation for the highest bidder. It’s a nation that has continued to sing the British, American, and Chinese song, irrespective of its complexity, as they struggle to sing the African songs. We have betrayed a dream, a people, and a future. My people, on your last breath, cry, my beloved nation.

What is this betrayal that I speak of?

1. Independence and Culture Betrayal: In this section, I seek to write about the betrayal of the freedom fighters, the havoc of the North Frontier District (NFD), and the people at large. On culture, I will discuss the many attempts by the regime to suppress traditions, language, and the culture of the populace.
2. International Trade and Bilateral Relations: In this segment, I will discuss how multinational companies are ruining Kenya. The neocolonialism that Nkrumah feared is alive and well.
3. 2010 Constitutional Moment Has Not Lived Up to Expectations: Thirteen years later, the ambitious constitution has not yet lived up to its billing. What is not working, and is it time for a review?
4. Political Betrayals: I will delve into the continuous political betrayals and how they have continued to affect our growth as a nation.

Independence Betrayal

There are numerous anecdotes and schools of thought on how we attained our freedom. Unfortunately, some pessimistic, unpatriotic, and brainwashed individuals still cling to the idea that active resistance actually delayed our independence. It’s not surprising, given that even today, the misconceptions about the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (dubbed as the Mau Mau) are bewildering. In his book “Facing Mount Kenya,” Jomo Kenyatta writes that the freedom tree had been planted, and it was upon us to water it. The freedom tree was watered by the pints of blood of our people. It was in the detention camps that this freedom was won, not in London hotels but on the ranges and slopes of the Aberdares. When threatened to oblivion, the peasants, rose in unison to demand a better nation. In his revered book “Wretched of the Earth,” Fanon describes the necessity of violence in a decolonization period, stating, “you don’t disorganize a society, however primitive it may be, with such an agenda if you are not determined from the very start to smash every obstacle encountered.”

Amidst the tribulations, infightings, rape, and deaths, 12/12 marked their triumph. They survived too much. One cannot read JM Kariuki’s book, “Mau Mau Detainee,” without a sullen dislike and disdain for the colonial class. To think or even imagine that this group was to be betrayed at independence seems unfathomable, yet we know better. The demands of the Mau Mau at independence were not met or even entertained. How could the government ask those who had been in the forests for years to pay for the land they were fighting for? The independence government left them to rot in their desperation and wounds; till today, some have bullets in their bodies. Their children also suffer in poverty and desperation. Here is where the rain started beating us, here is where we affirmed to a different trajectory. Until Kibaki assumed power, the Freedom army was still officially considered a terrorist group. This betrayal is stinking and painful. My grandfather had been in active resistance, and what he had from the war were stories. He lived a poor life with a stench of betrayal. A nation that betrays its best minds and bodies is a nation set to fail.

The best minds were also not spared. The independence government was not ready to entertain open criticism. Detention became the new order of the day; suddenly, the president was above the law. Criticism meant detention time, and a culture of docility came to birth. It was not enough that the people had lived in fear of the colonial authority; now they had to walk on their toes even after gaining independence. Ngugi captures the very reason behind imprisoning intellectuals in his book, “Wrestling with the Devil: A Prison Memoir.” “The act of imprisoning democrats, progressive intellectuals, and militant workers reveals many things. It is first an admission by the authorities that they know they have been seen…. Recourse to imprisonment, with or without a trial, is above all an admission by the ruling minority that people have started to organize to oppose the plunder of the national wealth and heritage. It fears that the people might rise in arms, and therefore acts to forestall such an uprising, real or imaginary.”

Before independence, the North Frontier District (NFD) was an issue that even the British could not deal with. The Somali-populated northern region of Kenya was one of the serious cases of secession Kenya had to deal with. However, less is spoken of the ordeal that happened there. In my article -the Kenyan debacle on refugees and the diaspora community– I wrote on this, allow me to borrow again – the Somali agenda to unify all Somali ethnic people started off with oppressive government policies in the North Frontier District. The military action against the rebels (shifta – a term the government opted for to ease political tension), reports on the war, and army activities were curtailed. Kenya was all guns to avoid a mutiny in NFD. Consequently, there was huge government control, restriction/abolition of rights to assemble, and curtailed movement. The draconian rules, such as the death penalty for the possession of unauthorized firearms at the borders, add to the list of many measures by the founding government to suppress any uprising.

By late 1967, the Shifta War had ceased, but not the suspicion and open hostilities, for again came February 2nd, 1984. The Wagalla massacre, which the state did not admit until 2000, was a pure exemplification and epitome of government relations with the Somali. Imagine this: 5000 people are rounded up, taken to an airstrip, then denied food and any medical assistance at all. Then, in pure inhumane brutality for a nation that prides itself as a sanctuary of peace, the army opens fire, and within minutes, 5000 souls are lost.

“Bullets, a means of physical subjugation; language, a means of spiritual subjugation,” writes Ngugi in his highly revered book, “Decolonizing the Mind.” Unless you are new to Jerusalem, the most potent weapon against a people is their identity – at the core of it, their culture, language, and tradition. With the enslavement, we continued to advance colonial languages at our expense. To be cultured meant to speak English and struggle with your mother tongue; this is the height of enslavement. Erich Fromm best wrote on this, the idea of thinking we are in control, yet we are in chains. There is nothing more powerful than one’s language; to voluntarily suppress it and take pride in that was nothing but a shame of the highest ordeal. The state, with its organs, continued with this ordeal; writings that tried to advance language and culture were banned, and their writers detained. And then wonders to whose interest did the government serve?

The people were the most disappointed; the state seemed to be committed to the aspirations of the West at the expense of the people. Things have never been the same since they killed Pio Gama Pinto in 1965; sobriety in the government has escaped us since they silenced Tom Mboya in 1969; the voice of the people has receded since they dropped JM Kariuki dead in Ngong forest in 1975. The clergy has been reminded time and again that they are there to be seen and not to be heard since they sent Bishop Alexander Murage and Fr. Kaiser to the gods. Things have not been good, I tell you, yet again we once had a nation. We once belonged to a republic where we had dreams and hopes, where we knew through effort and sacrifice good fortune is assured, now, I don’t know what we have. On your last breath, cry, my beloved nation.

It was the expectation of many people that the independence government would guarantee proper procedures and democracy. Kenyatta was supposed to serve the people, but it became a breeding ground for corruption and lawlessness. Bildad Kaggia was as well betrayed by Kenyatta despite being together in Kapenguria six. In his book “Oginga Odinga: Not Yet Uhuru,” he writes, “In the elections for vice-president of the central province, Kaggia was elected by a majority of voters, but that election was declared null and void, a new election was held in which more delegates arrived to vote, and James Gichuru.”

International trade and bilateral relations

Walter Rodney, in his essays, writes that international trade was the onset of a poor Africa. The deliberate interruption of African trade marked the beginning of Africa’s perils. He contends that our problems did not start with the Berlin Conference but gained new heights then. Africa had its gold taken, and its finest bodies were used to work in plantations to advance the West. This parallel continues today, as hundreds die in the Congo mines for multinational companies. As Kenya marks sixty years of independence, it calls for a critical examination of the relations it has had with other nations.

To begin with, the African Union has been a carcass, an entity that seems to exist with little or no impact. Continuous trade agreements within the AU have been violated, with Kenya often leading in this regard. Border restrictions among African countries persist, reflecting the modern effect of balkanization. Kenya’s relations with its neighbours have led to several differences, with the government’s silence on the mistreatment of its citizens at the Tanzania border being particularly concerning. The East Africa Commission promises to address these issues, but we wait, knowing this is not our first rodeo.

Let’s talk about monetary assistance from international partners. Kenyans will recall the structural adjustment programs (SAPs) of the 90s suggested by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The SAPs, while argued to have helped, ruined the nation to near extinction. Kenya’s relations with the West for monetary support indicate that the nation has been auctioned. Today, for every 10 shillings Kenya collects in revenue, 6 go to debt refinance. Our debt stands at an extreme 10.5 trillion, yet we cannot account for more than 6-8 trillion of it. We are fully under the influence of the West. The hastily passed Privatization Act of 2023 will see Kenya privatize a minimum of ten parastatals in this financial year. We are busy selling our nation to the highest bidder. Our projects are now at the mercy of the West, considering the 3.9 trillion budget against a 2.1 trillion revenue. This is not an idle talk, as it threatens our sovereignty. Think of our health system heavily dependent on the Global Fund. Our education system may soon depend on international donors, leading to substandard quality. It’s no wonder that certain prejudiced narratives are taught to our children. If we cannot ensure health accessibility and proper education without international financing, can we still say we own this nation? My answer is a strong NO. We have auctioned this nation once known as Kenya.

consitutional reforms

The agenda for constitutional reforms gained momentum in the dying years of the Moi regime. From the days of the Ufungamano initiative, Kenyans’ need for a new constitution was loud and clear. The 2005 efforts with the Kilifi draft were the most promising, but political interests hijacked this dream. The now-famous Wako draft of 2005 was defeated at a referendum, ushering in new contentions in the NARC government. However, in 2010, with the grand coalition government, Kenyans were subjected to a referendum on August 4, 2010. Consequently, on August 27 of the same month, Kenya had what was defined as the constitutional moment, the rebirth of a state, and indeed, our hopes were high for the second time Kenyans hoped for a change. Kenyans will recall the message from Barack Obama (then President of the USA) who shared the same optimism as Kenyans did. It has been thirteen years, and we seek answers to these questions:

1. One of the objectives of this constitution was to have a streamlined executive. Kenyans were hugely tired of a big executive, especially in the grand coalition government. However, every initiative since 2010, including the ambitious BBI, has been centred on increasing the executive, quite inconsiderate of the ever rising and unmanageable expenditure budget. The office of the prime cabinet secretary was not envisaged, and the offices of the Cabinet Administrative secretaries. Why is there always a need to create more offices in the aberration of the constitution?
2. Our constitution envisaged a presidential system. Today we have ministers going to parliament. We are having discussions of a leader of the opposition in parliament. We must agree whether we need to go back to the hybrid system or else, like the COE (Commission of experts 2010-Bomas), opt for a parliamentary system. Why mix the two (presidential and hybrid)?
3. The independence of the Judiciary must be guaranteed. Kenyans will remember profoundly and painfully the time and moments of Justice Maraga. The apex court decision overturning President Uhuru’s win saw the judiciary targeted now and then. We must protect the judiciary from the executive. The slain, retrogressive idea in BBI of having an ombudsman for the judiciary in the Executive shows the lack of goodwill for an independent judiciary. The numerous court orders that have been ignored, especially in the highly publicized case of Miguna Miguna, illustrate how far we are from a proper state.
4. Lastly, the independent bodies must be left to do their job. The ever-need to control the IEBC, controller of the budget, Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission, Auditor General, Directorate of Public Prosecutions, among many, is sickening. The architects of our constitution understood the huge mandate these particular offices had to play and hence the independence. It is not just in bad taste but purely retrogressive when the occupants of these offices continue to serve the interests of those in power.

The constitutional question is a broad one, and I am working on an article to explore in full length the errors we have made and maybe offer some ideas. Again, the abuse of power, gross misconduct, overlapping of roles is quite significant in the state. But the 2010 moment never lived up to expectations; Kenyans were betrayed by those they put trust in delivering the constitution. In your last breath, cry, my beloved nation.

political betrayals

The fallout between Odinga and Kenyatta was the very height of betrayal to a young nation. Odinga, through his book, illustrates the strong aspirations for a better nation, but continuous corruption prevented this cause. Allow me to explain this with my last month’s writings – Oginga Odinga, the first vice president, was a strong nationalist who posed a threat to Kenyatta’s authority. Like Rigathi as, he had his share of disputes with his subordinates. In his book, ‘Not Yet Uhuru,’ Odinga recounts the persistent frustrations he faced as he was compelled by the nation’s demands to work alongside Mboya and others. As deputy chief, he often felt excluded as an increasing number of decisions were made by Kenyatta’s close friends from the Kikuyu community. He noted that even Kenyatta did not come to his defense when his subordinates accused him of having ties with communist regimes. The relationship between the president and his vice started on shaky ground. Unfortunately, he became the victim of his subordinates’ machinations while he was away, as Tom Mboya and James Gichuru orchestrated a plan to remove him from power. This was a significant betrayal for a man who had set aside his presidential ambitions and had witnessed KANU’s survival despite Moi and his KADU alliance forming the government with white supremacists. Despite his efforts to orchestrate a plan in Nairobi by financing Mboya’s competitor, Oginga Odinga did not deserve the treatment he received as deputy chief. All in all, he was a nationalist who advocated for various constitutional reforms and was a blessing to the state.

The fallout of the NARC government was a pain that the optimistic nation dreamed of a better time. Kenyans were judged to be the most optimistic nation in 2002, and in their numbers, they marched to usher in Kibaki. The second liberation politicians had joined hands to foster and envisage a better nation. Their agreement was what was famously defined as the MOU- Memorandum of Understanding. The account of this betrayal was well depicted by Moody Awori in his autobiography, ‘Riding on a Tiger’. “As January rolled on, the nagging feeling I had been fighting in my mind crystallized into the realization that there was betrayal in the land. It was an unfortunate turn of events because we could very easily have avoided going that route. The seed of bitterness sown at this time within the NARC leadership would be with us for a very long time and the country would later pay a very steep price for it. None among the top NARC leadership was even talking about the promised new constitution anymore, let alone delivering it in 100 days.” The betrayal of this dream and the MOU without a doubt pushed the nation back. Political backstabbing yet again prevented such an ambitious dream which if left to prosper could have potentially revolutionized the country. There has never been a time where many politicians united in a common aspiration, yet it never lived for long. The NARC regime indeed scored some points and is arguably the best one we have ever since but just the thought, if we could have risen above our differences, we could have had a better nation.

Conclusion

The continuous and voluminous betrayal is setting our country many steps back. If it’s not economic sabotage through porous loans, then it is political backstabbing. The cadre of leaders we have for this nation is just sickening. The number of corruption cases at the expense of the people is a huge step back. Like I mentioned, the 10.5 trillion, much of it cannot be accounted for. It has been sixty years, yet what can we show? If it’s democratization, multipartyism has been a façade. Our education and our health facilities have deteriorated over the years. Today the extreme taxation is ruining the republic, yet the political class has decided to become modern Maria Antoinette. We are running a huge expenditure bill to sponsor our political class to fine dining yet more and more people are going to bed hungry.

Every five years we are ‘awarded’ the opportunity to choose the people we want to lead us towards the realization of our dream. However, we seem to be doing the very same mistake. Today the president is on a spree of promises, yet nothing has come forth from it. 12th December marks sixty years, sixty years of poor governance, corruption, and mere inconsideration of the needs of our people. I will ask this now; do we want the same for the next sixty years? On your last breath, cry my beloved people, for we once had a nation. Now I don’t know what we have; may the gods of Kano plains favour the nation.